Suchergebnisse

In this paper, author explores the reasons for modern massive migrations from the Middle East and Africa to Europe, and determines that main causes of migrations are: demographic explosion in some parts of the world, wars and possibility of social engineering. Based on content analysis of recent documentation, author establishes that on one hand there are unstoppable birth rates in Africa and in the Middle East, which are at the same time the poorest and the most turbulent areas of the world. At the same time, birth rates and population in Europe - the wealthiest and best governed continent, are in decline. Migrations are very encouraged by the fact that Africa, the Middle East and Europe share an extremely long continental and sea border. Most migrants come from the Middle East because wars are more important reason for migrations than demographic explosions, and in the Middle East there is still unfinished Arabian Spring, and, even worse, the number of wars and terrorist organizations in the same area is increasing. Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan are, practically, a single battlefield. Regarding artificial induction of the migrations, author asserts that it is a long known phenomenon. Today, it is a subversive method, mastered not only by the big, but also by many of the smaller military-intelligence systems, but its dimensions should not be overestimated. Paper also finds a number of political and other anomalies that have arisen in many EU countries. It analyzes late reaction of the EU institutions to challenges posed by migrations. Special attention is paid to those dimensions of the migrations that turn them into security challenge. Possible positive effects of the migrations are also analyzed. Paper focuses on relation of migrations and national interest of Serbia. Author determines that migrations are, to some extent, security challenge for Serbia, not only in terms of increased danger of terrorism, but also because of possible outbreak of regional conflicts. Also, Serbia, due to its relative economic ...

This paper aims to shed some light on so far unexplored topic: the political thought of Jovan Rajić, the first Serbian author of the book about the history of the Serbian people. This will be done by analysis of his writings, as well as his actions which, in very specific social and political circumstances in Austria during second half of 18th century, undoubtedly had a political dimension. Rajić's aspiration to write the first history of Serbs was completely in line with political ambitions of Serbian people in Austria at that time. His political thought and works can be, from theoretical point of view, can be described, in short, as nationally and politically motivated Enlightenment, which was, by modernity of its political concept, completely embedded in Central European, and by form of writing in Russian political thought of his age. Considering its goals and actions, his political thought and works were a mixture of patriotism and loyalism. ; U radu se nastoji osvetliti, dosad kao poseban predmet naučnog istraživanja potpuno neobrađivana politička misao tvorca prve pisane istorije srpskog naroda Jovana Rajića, kako kroz analizu njegovih radova, tako i onih njegovih postupaka koji su u veoma specifičnim društveno-političkim i istorijskim okolnostima u Austriji tokom druge polovine 18. veka nesporno imali i određenu političku dimenziju. Njegova politička misao i delo se sa teorijske tačke gledišta u najkraćem mogu oceniti kao nacionalno-politički motivisano prosvetiteljstvo koje je po modernosti teorijskog konstrukta potpuno pripadalo centralnoevropskoj, a po formi iskaza ruskoj političkoj misli njegove epohe, dok su po svojoj ciljnoj i akcionoj usmerenosti njegova politička misao i delo predstavljali mešavinu patriotizma i lojalizma.

This paper analyzes the key political ideas of Petar II Petrović Njegoš, which so far have been insufficiently studied. Njegoš's political thought is analyzed in the context of his time and historical circumstances when the oppressed Serbian people were trying to achieve freedom through armed struggle. As the main obstacles on the way to freedom Njegoš points out the mass betrayal and lack of cohesion among the Serbs. As the crucial instruments of liberation from Turkish rule he sees the specific Serbian culture of martyrdom, their rich tradition of fighting conquerors, as well as their susceptibility to a cult of heroism with its powerful mobilizing potential. Among other noteworthy political ideas are Njegoš's esoteric idea about political-hierarchical structure of heaven, the emphasis on the modernization of Montenegro for the sake of renewing its statehood and his position on yugoslavism. ; U radu se analiziraju ključne političke ideje Petra II Petrovića Njegoša, koje su inače u nas nedovoljno proučavane. Njegoševa politička misao se analizira u kontekstu njegovog vremena i istorijskih okolnosti u kojima potlačeni srpski narod pokušava da se oružjem izbori za slobodu. Njegoš uočava kao glavne prepreke na putu do slobode masovnu izdaju i nedostatak sloge kod Srba, a kao glavne instrumente oslobođenja od Turaka vidi specifičnu kulturu junačkog umiranja kod Srba, njihovu bogatu tradiciju borbe protiv osvajača, kao i njihovu prijemčivost na kult herojstva koji ima veoma snažan mobilizacioni potencijal. Od ostalih Njegoševih političkih ideja posebnu pažnju zavređuju njegova ezoterična ideja o političkom sistemu neba, ideja o potrebi modernizacije Crne Gore radi obnove njene državnosti i njegov stav prema jugoslovenstvu.

Socialist societies, as very closed, were ideal environment for political mobbing. Mobbers made their victims additionally, and mostly, guilty, by making up political quilt, marking them as political enemies for life, and sometimes even their families for generations. Formally reshaped political practice of post-socialist societies shows political consciousness and habits change hard, and that tradition, even when it is pathological, survives for long, especially in politics. Since political mobbing and democracy, at least formally, do not mix, mobbing in post socialist societies becomes formally less political, but even more perfid. There are more than enough indications that this kind of perfid repression sustained in post socialist societies that are not truly, but only formally democratized. In those states mobbing frequently exceeds companies and starts to spread across other spheres of the society, becoming much more a brake than a flywheel of democratization.

In books and articles focused on the problem of homegrown terrorism authors from different countries mostly describe this kind of terrorism in very different ways. Usually, homegrown terrorism is connected with the promotion of violent radicalization and different forms of ideologically based violence. The Internet especially has aided in facilitating violent radicalization and the process of homegrown terrorism in the United States and in the EU. Understanding the motivational factors that lead to violent radicalization and homegrown terrorism or other forms of ideologically based violence is a vital step toward eradicating these threats. The USA and Europe devote a lot of attention to Islamic terrorism because of the post 9/11 legacy both in terms of the threats and in terms of the anti-terrorist policy.

The aim of this paper is to explore the ways in which the old and new media in Serbia after the Cold War give impetus to creating social violence. During the 1990's, civil war and conflicts were reality of Serbia and political violence in the media was the dominant phenomenon - the most influential media being television and the paper press. Radical media change came after the political revolution on October 5, 2000: social violence became a substitute for political violence. The most popular media nowadays in Serbia are the Internet and the electronic press including 'modern topics' about hooligans violence, family violence, sexual violence and the maltreatment of children. Violence is still the most dominant phenomenon in the Serbian media even though the wars are behind us because frustration and poor social standards have not disappeared. Political pluralism and a capitalist economic system in Serbia have generated a diffusion of social violence. The new media has an ambivalent relationship with the public: first, the media is responsible for the growth of social tension because of popularizing topics about violence and conflicts - as in movies, reality shows with scenes of violence etc.: and then second, the media as importantly shows the methods and institutions for preventing violence such as 'safe houses' for victims of violence etc. For some time now in Serbia there has been an action in progress, by the state as well as non-governmental organizations, against violence in the media. What is missing though is scientific and expert research which would objectively determine the level of violence present in the media, as well as the degree of its harmful influence on users of the media. This is why the Center for Security Studies and Terrorism Research, of which I am the Director, decided to start a wider and longer-lasting research of the relationship between media and violence in Serbia. This research would has had several stages and lasted over a number of years. In the first stage the main goal was to determine the citizens' views about the degree of violence present in the media in Serbia, through survey and directed interviews. The media were classified as 'old' and 'new'. The results of this stage of research will be presented to the public for the first time now, at the IPRA Congress in Sidney. We hope that this research will answer some of the questions so often asked by various groups in Serbian society, as well as in the scientific community.